Serbia is trying to maintain a delicate balance between East and West. While it continues to engage with the EU, its strategic partnerships with Russia and China, particularly in energy, remain vital. This is a thorn in the side of the EU, which would like to see Serbia, an EU candidate since 2014, tone down its alignment with Russia. Historically, Serbia’s geostrategic position has made it contested ground, something that persists today. It is being courted by both East and West in the broader struggle for influence in the Balkans.Serbia’s EU accession process is stuck and faces significant obstacles. Chief among them are Serbia’s refusal to recognise Kosovo’s independence due to an insistence on what it regards as territorial integrity and a lack of enthusiasm for NATO, rooted in anti-Americanism. The EU continues to press Serbia to normalise relations with Kosovo and to align more closely with European standards.
Serbia is trying to maintain a delicate balance between East and West. While it continues to engage with the EU, its strategic partnerships with Russia and China, particularly in energy, remain vital. This is a thorn in the side of the EU, which would like to see Serbia, an EU candidate since 2014, tone down its alignment with Russia. Historically, Serbia’s geostrategic position has made it contested ground, something that persists today. It is being courted by both East and West in the broader struggle for influence in the Balkans.
Serbia’s EU accession process is stuck and faces significant obstacles. Chief among them are Serbia’s refusal to recognise Kosovo’s independence due to an insistence on what it regards as territorial integrity and a lack of enthusiasm for NATO, rooted in anti-Americanism. The EU continues to press Serbia to normalise relations with Kosovo and to align more closely with European standards.
Serbs express significant concerns about their personal futures (72%). The biggest concerns are inflation (92%), wars and conflicts (2021: 77%, 2024: 86%) and economic crises (86%). Almost half of the population believe that their economic situation will deteriorate in the future.
A majority (63%) view Serbia’s prosperity as linked to the well-being of other countries. The overwhelming majority (76%) believe that Serbia does not have the international status it deserves. The strength of this sentiment remains among the highest in the poll and expresses deep-seated dissatisfaction.
There is a growing belief among Serbian respondents that the world is entering an era dominated by »my country first« policies (74%, above the overall average of 64%) and wars and conflicts (72%).
Serbia has consistently expressed scepticism toward international organisations, which has intensified since the last survey. Nevertheless, 60% favour a greater role for the UN and 53% for the OSCE. The position towards the EU is divided, with 46% opposing a stronger role and 42% supporting it. NATO faces the strongest opposition, with 78% rejecting an expanded role. In March 1999, NATO bombed Yugoslavia to halt the bloodshed and the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority. This event was a defining moment in recent Serbian history and underpins a negative attitude towards NATO. Serbs are even more opposed to NATO today than they were in the years after the bombing campaign of 1999. This anti-NATO stance is reflected in the perception of NATO enlargement as a threat by 75%, by far the highest number in the poll, even surpassing Russia. Probably also connected to the bombing, Serbs largely reject the use of nuclear weapons (85%), while 14% accept them as a last resort. They also clearly reject military interventions.
75% perceive NATO enlargement as a threat, by far the highest number in the poll, even surpassing Russia.
Serbs seem to support a pragmatic stance and a multi-vector foreign policy. Collaboration with different players is desired across the board: 67% with China, 64% with Russia (the highest value in the poll) and 60% with the EU. In contrast, cooperation with the US (42%, dropping to 30% among those aged 18–29) is less welcome, and the majority disapprove (49%). Accordingly, Serbian respondents show the highest disapproval for economic decoupling (around 50% disapprove reducing dependence on Russia and China). Ties with Russia and China have indeed deepened since the fraudulent December 2023 elections, which brought President Aleksandar Vučić renewed victory. The Free Trade Agreement of 2023 strengthened relations with China, which are focused mainly on projects such as infrastructure investments and mining.
Serbian respondents perceive a potential reordering of global power dynamics, in which traditional Western dominance is called into question and the Russia-China block gains prominence. They also discern an end of the Western-dominated security order and express doubts about the EU rising as a global power (only 23%, 18–29 year olds: 30%). Russia's global leadership role is expected to grow (65%), the second highest figure in all surveyed countries after Russia itself. The US and Russia are viewed as having the most conflicting interests, more so than US–China, EU–Russia or EU–China relations. Meanwhile, Russia–China relations are considered the second least contradictory, implying relatively greater alignment and cooperation.
Serbian respondents are convinced that the EU should focus on diplomacy and ensure international peace through other means than building a European Army (79%, highest figure in the poll). A significant majority (78%) advocate for the EU to become less dependent on the US, though opinions are divided on the EU's ability to defend itself without US support (43% disagree, 41% agree). In line with their anti-American sentiments, Serbs overwhelmingly view the US as the greatest security threat to Europe (70%), the highest figure in the poll, compared with an average of just 28% in polled European countries. Russia (33%) and China (18%) are rather not seen as threats.
65% of Serbs expect Russia's global leadership role to grow.
The perception of the objectivity of media reporting is the lowest in the poll (68% think it is biased), even though it has improved slightly since 2021 (77%). This is largely due to pro-government media dominance, which has grown to exceed 90% since Vučić came to power in 2012.
Only 3% want to support Ukraine until it wins the war. 60% view it as a proxy war and 28% expect Russia to win.
Serbian respondents are overwhelmingly pro-Russian with regard to the Ukraine war.
Ukraine is blamed by 36% of respondents, the highest share in the poll, followed by the EU (30%) and the US (60%), only in Russia this value is higher. Only 26% consider Russia the aggressor, the lowest figure outside Russia itself (22%). Almost half, the highest share in the poll, think that it is not necessary to keep supporting Ukraine. The main reason people give is that »the war needs to end« (76%). A small share of 14% is in favour of supporting Ukraine, mainly focused on humanitarian aid. Serbs display the lowest support for helping Ukraine until it wins the war (a mere 3%, compared with the overall average of 30%). Instead, on a par with Italy, they are strong supporters of diplomatic efforts to end the war (49%). Together with Türkiye and Georgia, Serbia is also most amenable to a neutral stance (37%).
The country’s anti-NATO and anti-Western attitude is in line with Belgrade’s pro-Russia policy. This resonates with Serbians. Russia’s actions in Ukraine are widely seen as defence of its own interests (41%), surpassing even perceptions within Russia (37%). Serbs are least likely to identify Russia as an imperialist state (4%).
They strongly believe it to be a proxy war between Russia and the West, vying for global influence (60%). Regarding the war’s impact, 39% see Russia as strengthened. China is viewed as stronger (41%) or unaffected (38%), the EU as weakened (46%). Serbia is viewed as rather unaffected (56%).
Serbia’s pro-Russia stance is highly visible in its rejection of Ukraine’s EU and NATO membership. While 40% believe diplomacy will end the war, 28% expect Russia to achieve military victory, by far the highest share in the entire poll (with the exception of Russia, where 36% believe Russia will prevail).
Serbs are cautiously optimistic about Serbia's future (36%) but notably pessimistic about Europe and the world, with majorities expecting deterioration. Notably, their outlook is more pessimistic than average, though the share of optimism increased slightly to 2021.
The optimism does not extend to EU accession, as Serbia has been negotiating with the EU since 2014. A majority (38%) believe the process is only an illusion and the EU does not want Serbia as a member. Some 26% still believe that it will happen, just the timing is uncertain. The unresolved Kosovo issue remains a significant obstacle, as the EU does not want to accept new members with unresolved territorial issues.
However, 25 years after the Kosovo war, the majority (66%, thereof 70% men and 61% women) believe that Serbia should maintain its position on Kosovo. Only a mere 11% favour recognition of Kosovo’s independence. Remarkably, these perceptions are consistent across generations and haven’t changed over time.
Serbia’s foreign policy emphasises self-interest, with 86% focusing on domestic well-being and efforts to avoid international involvement. The desire for an active foreign policy is the second-lowest in the poll and has been decreasing (2021: 58%, 2024: 49%). Still, almost 60% want to promote values abroad.
Foreign policy priorities include combating terrorism and extremism (51%), addressing human rights violations (48%), and managing climate change (46%). Regarding climate change, respondents are largely dissatisfied with current policies. They strongly support the idea that rich countries should protect poor and vulnerable countries and that international collaboration is key.
To promote peace, the respondents mention diplomatic efforts and international institutions. Overall, the perception of the effectiveness of all foreign policy means – diplomacy, military, sanctions – has decreased since 2021. Serbia has invested heavily in its military, becoming the Western Balkans' leading force. About half of respondents support more military spending, just like in 2021. A large majority (67%) favour social and economic investments over defence. As in most other polled countries, a majority support funding such investments through a special levy on the rich (61%). Savings in other budgets are rejected.
Security Radar 2025 is a representative public opinion poll conducted in September 2024 among the resident populations in 14 countries: Germany, France, Georgia, Italy, Kazakhstan, Latvia, Poland, Russia, Serbia, Sweden, Türkiye, United Kingdom, Ukraine, and the United States.
Public opinion may have a substantial impact on political decision-makers facing security issues, particularly at a time of high tensions and major uncertainty. The aim of the Security Radar Survey Series is to track changes in public opinion regarding issues relating to foreign-, security, and defense policy. Prior editions of the Security Radar Survey Series have been published in 2019, 2022, and 2023.
The focus of the Security Radar 2025 is to explore changes in public opinion since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. To this end, we compare two surveys: The first is the Security Radar 2022, conducted in 14 countries prior to the outbreak of the war in autumn 2021, and published at the Munich Security Conference just days before the invasion. The second is the present Security Radar 2025, conducted three year later. This allows us to compare people’s attitudes directly before the invasion with attitudes almost three years into the war. For four EU members – France, Germany, Latvia and Poland – we have three data points to compare (as these four countries featured in the follow-up Security Radar 2023, which explored changes in public attitudes nine months into the war, in autumn 2022).
By »Europe« we understand the space covered by the members of the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). In certain obvious cases, however, we use »Europe« interchangeably with »the EU«. When we use the term »the West«, we mean the EU together with the USA. The pollster Ipsos Public Affairs in Berlin was assigned to carry out the fieldwork in twelve of the fourteen countries; in Georgia, the fieldwork was carried out by Caucasus Research Resource Center (CRRC). In Russia, the fieldwork was conducted by an independent pollster, whose name we decided not to disclose because of the risk of criminal liability. The survey is based on the Security Radar 2023 questionnaire, adapted and extended in line with developments related to Russia’s war against Ukraine. Overall, we explore and compare public opinion on the current security and foreign policy situation in Europe, focusing on seven aspects:
Conducting polls during wartime presents significant challenges, requiring cautious interpretation of the results. In Ukraine, ongoing hostilities in Crimea, Donetsk and Luhansk regions prevented their inclusion in the sample, affecting the survey’s representativeness. The war has also altered Ukraine's demographics, with millions of people, particularly women, leaving the country and many men serving at the front.
Wartime conditions also increase the likelihood that people will provide what they perceive to be socially desirable responses, potentially skewing results. This may be especially the case in Russia, where repressive laws exacerbate this tendency. Despite these challenges, including Russia and Ukraine in the Security Radar survey remains crucial because of their significant roles in European security. The survey was last conducted in Russia and Ukraine in 2021, a few months before the full-scale invasion.
Data in Ukraine was gathered by Ipsos via online questionnaire. To gather data in Russia, an independent polling company was commissioned, although its identity is withheld to protect it from potential prosecution, given the Friedrich Ebert Foundation's »undesirable organisation« status in Russia. The poll was conducted via telephone, with a shortened questionnaire and some terms adapted to ensure respondents’ safety and from political considerations (for instance, the term »special military operation« was used instead of »Russia's war against Ukraine«).
These adaptations and precautions highlight the complexity of conducting polls in conflict zones and under restrictive regimes. While the data provides valuable insights, it's crucial to consider these limitations when interpreting the results, understanding that they offer a snapshot of public opinion under challenging circumstances rather than a comprehensive view.
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